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Sexual Health Exchange 2002-4
Gender and family in the Caribbean
Janet Brown
Apart from the minority upper classes, marriage rates throughout the Caribbean are usually low. Marriage – when it occurs – usually comes late in life after children have been born. Children are often left with other relatives or friends in better circumstances for parts of their lives. People's search for better employment and educational opportunities has resulted in high levels of internal and out-migration. As a result, the concept of ‘family' is often defined across broad boundaries, with important family members remaining invisible – although not necessarily psychologically or financially absent – in children's day-to-day interactions.
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Caribbean family life has been uniquely shaped by an African cultural and ideological heritage, by the experience of slavery and colonialism, multi-racial and multicultural societies, and by the socio-economic context of migration, unemployment and poverty." Christine Barrow in ‘Children's Rights, Caribbean Realities' |
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Studying the Caribbean family structure
Anthropological studies of the family in the Caribbean from the 1940s through the 1960s generally described the Caribbean family as dysfunctional, compared to European and North American nuclear family models. However, later research of the 1970s and 1980s recognised that Caribbean family patterns had been largely consistent since the days of slavery, and that they were in fact functional in terms of child and family survival under the conditions of colonial and post-colonial poverty and oppression. Caribbean families, whose roots lie in the family structures of West Africa, have been matrifocal in nature – from both African legacies and New World realities – within societies characterised by patriarchal structures of governance and economy.
In 1988-89, a University of the West Indies (UWI) survey of Caribbean services for children highlighted the need for increased involvement of fathers with their children, in order to address the problem of absent, irresponsible fathers. As little research existed in this field, the Caribbean Child Development Centre (CCDC) and UWI undertook a joint study of fatherhood. Seven hundred low-income and working-class fathers in four Jamaican rural and urban communities were interviewed on a wide range of topics related to their children and family life, their behaviours and aspirations. A series of eight discussions on topics relevant to men's family roles were conducted with men and women in these same communities. The findings deepened the insight into the complexities of the link between manhood and fatherhood. The main conclusions included the following:
- Although women remain the primary caregivers of children, men contribute more to family life than they are credited for;
- Men are active with their children and perform domestic chores, but do not feel enhanced by these tasks: financial provision is a key requirement of "manhood";
- Most men aspire to be good fathers and have clear ideas of what a good father should be; however, many express their inability to fulfil this ideal;
- Being a father has strong personal meanings for a man and is part of his self-definition, often aiding his maturation;
- A child's relationship with his/her father is often linked to the father's relationship with the child's mother; when their relationship breaks down, the relationship with the child often does too;
- A man's "outside" children (who live with other women) appear more psychologically vulnerable than his "inside" children (who live with him);
- Strong mother-son bonds are common, and a man's financial and other obligations to his mother and siblings sometimes compete with his responsibilities for his partner(s) and children;
- The context of poverty, limited education and high unemployment narrows men's capacities to fulfil their roles as responsible providers for their families; without financial support, men may be denied other family roles.
The study showed that the meanings of fatherhood change during a man's life cycle. Fatherhood frequently begins in casual relationships when a man is young; in the Caribbean, early male sexuality is even encouraged to provide testimony of virility. Teenage-pregnancy rates are high, and the first child of a young mother usually remains with her in her mother's home. Even when the baby's father initially supports the young mother, most relationships do not last. As young men and women mature, they often move into common-law relationships and sometimes into marriage. Children from earlier relationships may join a new family or remain outside. Whether parents maintain regular contact with these ‘outside' children depends on many factors – economic, geographic and others – but especially on the relationship with the child's other parent.
Thus, the relationship with a man's first child(ren) is more likely to be severed or distanced than with later children. Whether a man's child suffers from his absence depends largely on whether there is a caring stepfather. The incidence of sexual and other forms of child abuse by stepfathers, boyfriends or other male relatives and friends is high. Unfortunately, there is as yet little research on the positive impact of surrogate or social fathers in the lives of children.
Gender socialisation studies
The early fatherhood studies led to UWI's Gender Socialisation Project, which aimed to pursue the historical and cultural bases for raising girls and boys. Ethnographic observations and focus group discussions were conducted in six communities in Jamaica (3), Guyana (2) and Dominica (1). The findings gained general confirmation in public symposia in the Caribbean:
- Manhood is narrowly defined and increasingly difficult to achieve: it is attested by sexual prowess, the ability to provide for and protect a family, and dominance in relationships;
- Male-female relationships are characterised by high degrees of distrust and disillusionment. Men generally defend their rights to, or need for multiple partners, while it is unacceptable for women to have more than one partner. The relationship is a power relationship in which the man tries to dominate and feels this is his God-ordained right. Much of the stability of the relationship, however, depends on a man's earning power. When he cannot provide financially, he often leaves or is pushed out of the family.
- Domestic labour, whether women earn or not, remains traditionally divided: indoor work (childcare, housecleaning, laundry, cooking) remains "women's work", even when done by a man, while outdoor work is "men's work".
- Traditional child-rearing strategies are becoming less effective. "To tie the heifer and loosen the bull" meant the protection of girls (with inside tasks, more careful supervision), while boys were freer to learn survival skills with peers and older men beyond the home yard. However, the streets are increasingly dangerous places and close supervision is rarely possible for poor parents hustling to make ends meet. Parents often feel out of control of their children.
- Gender distinctions and assumptions are central to most child-rearing practices, e.g., gender-differentiated chores, leisure activities, disciplinary practices, demonstrations of affection and messages about their sexuality.
Some of the implications of this gendered childrearing and male privileging is a growing mismatch between male gender identities and the educational system. Girls' socialisation has prepared them much better than boys for the type of schooling common in the Caribbean: girls are more confined to the house, more under adult supervision, given more responsibility, expected to be disciplined, taught to please others, and involved in doing ‘uninteresting' and repetitive tasks. Women's growing participation in the workforce and higher education has been aided by this ethos.
However, traditional male socialisation has not served boys to achieve within the increasingly "female" domain of education. In tough urban environments, the skills boys acquire on the street and the role models they encounter do not support persistence in schooling, or develop in them the process skills that girls learn within the more structured home environment. The high percentage of female-headed households (37-49% within the Caribbean) also implies that at-home father-role models are not available for many young boys. Caribbean countries are expressing increasing distress at the fact that females now predominate both in numbers and achievement in most subjects throughout the educational system.
Janet Brown, Senior Lecturer, Caribbean Child Development Centre, University of the West Indies, P.O. Box 141, Mona, Kingston 7, Jamaica; Tel: +1-876-345.51.71 or 927.16.18; Fax: +1-876-977.74.33; e-mail: janbrown@cwjamaica or janbrown@uwimona.edu.jm; Web: www.caribecd.org.jm |
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