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Sexual Health Exchange 2004-3&4

Non-consensual sex among youth: Lessons learned from research

Bill Finger

Sexual coercion among young people encompasses a range of experiences, ranging from non-contact forms such as verbal sexual abuse and forced viewing of pornography, as well as unwanted contact in the form of touch or fondling, to attempted rape, forced penetrative sex (vaginal, oral, or anal), trafficking, and forced prostitution. It also includes sex obtained as a result of physical force, intimidation, pressure, blackmail, deception, forced alcohol and drug use, and threats of abandonment or of withholding economic support. Transactional sex through money, gifts, or other economic incentives (especially in the context of extreme poverty) often has a coercive aspect as well. In this context, youth programmes need to consider patterns of coerced sex when addressing reproductive health, HIV prevention, and other needs. What can we learn from research?

Reproductive health and HIV prevention programmes for youth rarely address the reality of coercive sex that many youth face. Such coercion is a violation of a person's rights and can have severe physical, mental, and reproductive health consequences. Sexual abuse can occur in premarital, extramarital, and marital situations. Perpetrators are usually people with whom the victim is familiar, including intimate partners, peers, family members, teachers, and other youth and adult acquaintances. Coercion often occurs in the course of routine activities in the home, neighbourhood, community, and school. Perpetrators are generally, but not always, males.

Data on sexual coercion among youth in developing countries are limited; most studies are small with findings that may not be representative. A review of thirteen studies found that between 2 and 20% of girls and fewer than 15% of boys reported ever experiencing sexual coercion. The youth surveyed were generally aged 15 to 19; of these thirteen studies, six included males. In a review of fourteen studies that asked about forced first sexual experience, about 15 to 30% of sexually active girls reported coercion; and fewer than 10% of boys. Of these fourteen studies, five included males.1

Gender norms

Deeply rooted gender norms can contribute to sexual coercion. Many cultures condone sex for boys while girls face social sanctions if they appear to be sexually active or get pregnant. In a Nigerian study, for example, 57% of male students and 74% of out-of-school male apprentices agreed with the statement, "A man has the right to have sex with a woman on whom he has spent a lot of money". Also agreeing were 37% of female students and 43% of female apprentices.2

At an international meeting held in New Delhi, India in September 2003, a panel of local youth emphasized how gender roles condoned coercion of young females. One youth described teachers who touched girls, but when complaints were made, no action was taken against the teacher. Another described the sexual harassment girls encountered walking to school. Gender norms appeared so entrenched that "many girls were shocked because they realized they have a right to say ‘no', that going out with a boy does not give consent for sex", explained another panellist.

In areas where girls continue to marry at a young age, such as South Asia and West Africa, lack of decision-making authority, lack of familiarity with the husband-to-be, and a lack of information on sexual matters can contribute to forced sex in marriage.3

Health consequences

Sexual coercion in childhood and adolescence has long-term consequences in terms of reproductive health/HIV, violence, and mental health problems.

Reproductive health/HIV – A review of evidence in Latin America found that young women who had been sexually abused had significantly earlier sexual initiation and more lifetime partners than non-abused women.4 A Ugandan study of 575 sexually active girls aged 15 to 19 found that those who had experienced sexual coercion were significantly more likely to be non-users of contraception, to have unintended pregnancies, and not use condoms at last intercourse. The study also found that after controlling for other risk factors, girls who had experienced coercive first sex were more likely to be HIV infected.5

Violence – Studies have found that women who experience sexual violence are more likely to suffer severe physical violence and violence in pregnancy.4 A study in Thailand found that of women who had first sex by force, 65% had later experienced intimate spousal violence, compared to 37% of those with a first sex experience where the degree of force was ambiguous, and 25% of those who did not have first sex by force.6

Mental health problems – Sexually abused women and men have significantly higher risks for suicidal thoughts and behaviour than those who were not abused.4 A qualitative study in India among 33 female survivors of incest, which occurred between the ages of 10 and 24, found that these women experienced a wide range of mental health issues that needed to be addressed in order to help them overcome their fear of intimacy and sexuality, and their isolation.7

Emerging programme approaches

From these and other studies several programmatic lessons can be learned. First, reproductive health and HIV prevention programmes need to understand and address the full context of young people's lives, including social and economic factors leading to coercion. By emphasizing abstinence, partner reduction, and condom promotion, programmes may overlook the reality of the lives of many youth, including factors underlying their ability to choose whether or not to engage in sex. A more holistic and realistic approach would include preventing sexual coercion, providing support to victims, strengthening the legal and advocacy environment, and training providers.8

Second, programmes need to help improve provider attitudes about, and clinical services for, youth who may have experienced sexual coercion. In a two-year intervention, the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF)/Western Hemisphere Region, in coordination with IPPF affiliates in the Dominican Republic, Peru, and Venezuela, trained all staff on the sensitivity of this issue and how to provide appropriate services. Staff learned to recognize how sexual coercion affects clients and the importance of maintaining confidentiality and privacy. The initiative introduced new clinical history forms, policies and procedures, and in-house services and referrals.9

Third, programmes must focus on supporting young people's rights, changing gender norms, and improving communication and negotiation skills. Programmes such as the PROMUNDO ‘Program H' effort in Brazil and the Young Men as Equal Partners project in several African countries have begun to address gender norms, including associations of sexual violence with masculinity, and to offer alternative models for male behaviour. These experiences should be documented and studied so that these models can be adapted and replicated.

Fourth, actions at the community, institutional, and policy levels need to sensitize policy-makers, religious leaders, and other gatekeepers to the reality and impact of sexual coercion and the need to provide a supportive and non-judgemental environment. Programmes need to work more closely with the media, police, and other authorities to enforce existing laws and to develop community-based councils and other approaches that can help instil a safe environment for young people.

Finally, more research and innovative interventions are needed to guide programmes to help prevent coercion, support youth in making safe and appropriate sexual decisions, and provide counselling and treatment to those who are victims of coercion.

William Finger, Information Dissemination Coordinator YouthNet, Family Health International; P.O. Box 13950, Research Triangle Park, NC 27709, USA; tel.: +1-919-544.70.40 ext. 468, fax: +1-919-544.72.61, e-mail: bfinger@fhi.org, web: www.fhi.org/youthnet

This article was written in collaboration with Shyam Thapa (FHI/YouthNet); Deepika Ganju (consultant), Shireen Jejeebhoy and Vijaya Nidadavolu (Population Council); and Iqbal Shah and Ina Warriner (World Health Organization/Reproductive Health and Research). It is based on recent literature as well as presentations at the Global Consultative Meeting on Nonconsensual Sex among Young People in Developing Countries, held in New Delhi, India, in September 2003. This meeting was co-sponsored by the Population Council/India, the World Health Organization, and Family Health International/YouthNet. A longer version of this article with research citations and references was published by FHI/YouthNet as YouthLens No. 10 and is available at: www.fhi.org/en/Youth/YouthNet/Publications/YouthLens+English.htm. Full references are also available at the Sexual Health Exchange website: www.sexualhealthexchange.org.

References

1. Jejeebhoy SJ, Bott S. Non-consensual Sexual Experiences of Young People: A Review of the Evidence from Developing Countries. New Delhi, India: Population Council, 2003, www.popcouncil.org/pdfs/wp/seasia/seawp16.pdf

2. Ajuwon A. Research in sexual coercion in young persons: the experiences and lessons learnt from Ibadan, Nigeria. Presentation Global Consultative Meeting on Nonconsensual Sex among Young People in Developing Countries, New Delhi, India, September 2003.

3. Jejeebhoy S, Bott S, Shah I, et al., eds. Towards Adulthood: Exploring the Sexual and Reproductive Health of Adolescents in South Asia. Geneva: World Health Organization, 2003, www.who.int/reproductive-health/publications/towards_adulthood/t owards_adulthood.pdf

4. Ellsberg M. Coerced sex among adolescents in Latin America and the Caribbean. Presentation Global Consultative Meeting, New Delhi, 2003.

5. Koenig M, Lutalo T, Zablotska I, et al. The sequelae of adolescent coercive sex: evidence from Rakai, Uganda. Presentation Global Consultative Meeting, New Delhi, 2003.

6. Im-em W. Sexual coercion among women in Thailand: results from the WHO multi-country study on women's health and life experiences. Presentation Global Consultative Meeting, New Delhi, 2003.

7. Gupta A, Ailawadi A. Incest in Indian families: learnings from a support centre for women survivors. Presentation Global Consultative Meeting, New Delhi, 2003.

8. Erulkar AS. Sexual and reproductive health research and programming for youth. Presentation Global Consultative Meeting, New Delhi, 2003.

9. Bott S, Guedes A, Guezmes A. The health service response to sexual coercion/violence: lessons from IPPF/WHR associations in Latin America. Presentation Global Consultative Meeting, New Delhi, 2003.

Lessons learned from gender-violence prevention programmes

Many programmes have paid increasing attention to the consequences of early and unprotected sexual activity among young people in developing countries. Most of these programme do not explicitly address the issue of non-consensual sex and gender-based violence. According to a 2004 review commissioned by USAID of existing programmes that include gender violence, addressing gender-based violence among youth serves the following purposes:

  • Changing norms and behaviours before they become deeply ingrained
  • Creating safe spaces for youth – especially at schools
  • Minimizing the consequences of violence for survivors – early intervention may prevent mental health problems, as well as increased risk-taking behaviours and teenage pregnancy

An analysis of the reviewed gender-violence prevention programmes, not excluded to youth, shows the following programmatic lessons:

  1. Work in partnerships – It is unrealistic to think that a single organization will be able to effectively address violence. Partnerships are important between different sectors (health, justice, education), between civil society and governments, as well as among researchers, activists, policy-makers and service providers.
  2. Use multiple strategies and link different levels of interventions – Regardless of the main focus of the initiative, the majority of gender-based violence-related programmes have used multipronged approaches to achieve their goals. Promising initiatives also make an effort to link experiences from different levels, e.g., linking local and national initiatives.
  3. Promote system-wide changes – An effective response to violence should not rely on training individual health providers or teachers. It involves the whole organization and does not expect individuals to act alone.
  4. Promote change at individual and collective levels – Successful programmes point to the importance of simultaneously changing individual's attitudes regarding violence while promoting an environment that is less tolerant towards violence.
  5. Integrate gender-based violence components into existing reproductive health/HIV programmes – Initiatives should consider violence regardless of whether this is their main area of focus and should adapt existing service delivery and information, education and communication programmes.

Other recommendations are: 1) promote programmes that challenge norms that perpetuate violence, 2) empower women and girls, 3) ensure that victims have access to needed services, 4) involve young and adult men, 5) increase the negative consequences of violent behaviour to abusers, and 6) ensure that programmes in humanitarian settings, e.g., refugee camps, systematically address gender-based violence.

Adapted from: Guedes, A. Addressing gender-based violence from the reproductive health/HIV sector: A literature review and analysis, POPTECH/IGWG, 2004 (115 p): www.prb.org/pdf04/AddressGendrBasedViolence.pdf

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sexual coercion: young men's experiences

Evidence suggests that throughout the world, boys and young men also experience forced sexual relations, although they have received less research attention than young women. A few qualitative studies have investigated forced sexual relations among young males. In-depth interviews in a low-income setting in Delhi, India revealed instances where older boys forced 12- and 13-year-old boys to have anal sex. Other studies have highlighted the experiences of street boys – a particularly vulnerable group of adolescent males. These studies depict young males as both victims and perpetrators (with young girls and boys, alone or in gangs). For instance, a study of street boys in Bangalore, India reveals that large proportions of boys were initiated into sex at an early age, between 10 and 12 years, and most of these relationships were likely to have been non-consensual.

In a few studies, young males mention being coerced into sex by women. In in-depth interviews with 53 young men aged 16-22 in Mexico City, several young males reported that girls put pressure on them to have sex through such actions as undressing, touching and commenting on the young male's penis, or taunting their lack of virility. In some instances, other more subtle forms of coercion are reported such as pressure on young boys to have sex by older, often married women (‘Sugar Mommies'), or peer pressure on boys and young men to engage in relations with sex workers.

Source: Jejeebhoy S, Bott S. Non-consensual sexual experiences of young people: A review of the evidence from developing countries. New Delhi, India: Population Council, 2003, www.popcouncil.org/pdfs/wp/seasia/seawp16.pdf

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


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